Saturday, February 25, 2006

Scenery of Korea under Japanese rule---Korea

Here are some photos by
Mrs Keith.(I picked them up on the site called Naver)
Notice that the clothes they wear , they way they dress are differnt from the style of Japanese.
I think they depict beautiful Korean culture.
The prints are made during Japanese colonization, when some Koreans claim Japan destructed Korean culture.

marriage procession by elizabeth keith 1921.jpg

korean-bride elizabeth keith1938.

new years shopping, seoul by elizabeth keith 1921

two korean children by elizabeth keith 1925

korean-nobleman by eliabeth keith1938

flute-player by elizabeth keith 1927

from the land of morning-calm by elizabeth keith 1939

gong-playe elizabeth keith 1927.jpg

korean mother 1924

eastgate-seoul moonlight elizabeth keith 1920.jpg

court musicians eliabeth keith 1938

country wedding feast by elizabeth keith1921

east gate, seoul, sunrizeby elizabeth keith 1920

a temple kitchen, diamond mountains, north Korea by elizabeth keith1920

a morning gossip, hamheung, korea by elizabethkeith 1921

a daughter of the house of min by elizabeth keith 1938.

buddha's birthday by elizabeth keith

chessgame elizabeth keith 1936

two korean childrenby elizabeth keith 1925.jpg

You can also find useful photos on the following sites.

Friday, February 24, 2006

Labor conscription under Japanese rule---Korea

Due to the socio-economic changes going on in Korea society(see ecnomy under Japanese rule,more and more Koreans were coming to Japan for better lives. Japanese government restricted Japanese companies to recruit Koreans to work in Japan by law because she was afraid Japanese unemployment rate would increase. The Korean newspaper, Dong A libo on Sept 9th in 1921 criticised this law severely , saying that it is descrimination and insulting. In response, Japan government abolished the law.But the government still regulated koreans to come to Japan, in 1924, may 5th, 50000 Koreans protested at the Pusan Port againt it.

WWⅡ was coming near.
In 1938 the national mobilization act was

April 1939
The law took effect for the Japanese,

October 1939
The law took effect for Taiwanese.

In 1944 the law took effect for Koreans.
Those Koreans were never hand-cuffed nor kidnapped to the laboring sites as some koreans imagine.When Japanese young men had been drafted to the battle fields, the work force was desparately in need. Some Koreans had to work hard at such a place as coal mine. But those who worked under hard condtions were paid more than average Japanese workers.
It is estimated that there was 2100000 Koreans at the end of the war in Japan. 8 to 10% were brought to Japan under the law.
After the war, all of them could go home at their free will, but 410000 Koreans remained in Japan in1950 .
It would be reasonable to suppose that majority of Koreans who came against their will under the law went home because those who came after 1944 had no life bases in Japan, could not speak Japanese well and left their family behind in Korea..

In conclusion, Koreans who remained in Japan were those who came to Japan volountarily.
This is generally in accordance with what the first generation of Korean Residents in Japan says about it.

(BTW the problem is that Japanese and Korean governments did not give them chances to choose Japanese citizenship,I am inclined to think J and K governments should have [2])

See alsosome fact about mobilizaion of koreans


Two Cents Said:

September 24, 2006 at 11:00 pm

>I also read that many of those women stayed in Japan after the war which explains the Korean population in Japan today.
No, the mobilized people were young men or women (some only girls), and nearly all of them returned to their families in Korea, since the longest any of them could have been in Japan was 6 years, not really long enough to be formly rooted. Plus, free transportation was offered by the Japanese government to all Koreans returning to their country under GHQ orders.

The tight restrictions on Korean immigration to Japan was not lifted until September 1939, when companies were given the freedom to recruit Korean laborers (自由募集). Then, conspription for military laborers (軍徴用) started in 1941, public procurance for businesses (官斡旋) in 1942, and finally conscription for businesses (徴用) in September 1944. Refusal of conscription was the only one punishable by law. Approximately 1 million Koreans were in Japan when the war began. At the end, there were 2 million. Of the 1 million that came to Japan during the war, 700,000 came voluntarily seeking for jobs. 300,000 came by procurement or conscription. 75%, or 1.5 million, returned to Korea after Japan’s defeat.

Before 1939, the Japanese government restricted Korean immigrration because it would cause an unemployment issue from the resulting influx of cheap labor. The Koreans actually flocked to Japan, and when the restriction was temporarily abolished in 1922, Koreans came in floods. The government quickly reinstated the restrictions, and the Koreans responded by holding a 50,000-people rally at the port of Busan on May 17, 1924, but the government stayed firm on its policy. However, Koreans still entered illegally into Japan, and records show that in some years, nearly 10,000 were captured and deported. I think if you looked at the present California-Mexico border situation, you would get an idea of how it was.

As for the sufferings, I’m sure they weren’t fully pleased about the annexation. I’m thinking that it must have been like how China is now. China as a country is certainly prospering, but the wealth is not going around evenly, and in times of turmoil, some win, some lose. I’m sure the winners are keeping their mouths shut now lest they be called collaborators, and the losers the one loudly attacking Japan.

Since Koreans did not have the right to freely move to Japan, you could say that the Koreans did not have equal rights. Also, until 1940 when the law for creating family names (創氏改名) came into effect, Koreans did not have the right to take on Japanese-style names. After the annexation, Koreans began using Japanese names, and so to prevent the confusion, a law was passed in 1911 that strictly forbade Koreans from using or taking on Japanese names.

Koreans in Korea did not have the right to vote in Japan, but neither did the Japanese living in Korea. Koreans legally living in Japan had voting rights, and two even made it into Congress. I have seen past records of local elections, and there were plenty of Korean candidates on them.There was racial discrimination, however. The army took Koreans and had one lieutenant general and plenty of officers who had graduated from the military academy, but I hear the Navy refused to have Korean officers.
two cents at occidentalism

For youor reference,
Compare with Korean mandatory military service.

. linklink
South Korea’s 680,000-member military has been marred by a long history of human rights abuses of rank-and-files. Song’s son surely fell victim to the system.
Military records show that 134 South Korean soldiers took their own lives last year in the face of harsh discipline such as beating and verbal abuse. The military again came under public fire earlier this year when an Army captain was found to have had 192 trainees eat human feces as punishment for not flushing toilets.
According to ministry figures, the number of military deaths has gradually dwindled over the past few years, from 164 in 2001, 158 in 2002 and 150 in 2003 to 134 in 2004. Of these, 69 people took their own lives in 2001, 79 in 2002, 69 in 2003 and 66 in 2004.

Cases of physical violence and sexual harassment in military barracks also fell to 2,277 last year, from 2,507 in 2003 and 2,483 in 2002, the data showed.

Analysts project a different picture, however. "The statistics may be a welcome sign, but human rights abuses in the military is still a serious problem,”said Lee Gye-su, a law professor at Kunkuk University in Seoul
Several reservists interviewed weeks after completing their military service agree that various forms of physical and other types of abuse still exist in military camps. “I was slapped and got kicked in the shin by my superiors many times whenever I got scratches on my truck. But I felt I was lucky, because I heard from my friends they were struck by steel pipes,”said a 24-year-old former sergeant who served as a truck driver in a frontline unit.Yonhap, March 29, 2005

I had a friend who served together mandatory military service. He was no less disgruntled than I for the treatment of soldiers by the Korean government. (We were paid 10 dollars per month for full time service. And many Korean soldiers still live in a single room which accomdate 10 to 20 people. Shizophreniac environment I dare say.)Urbanara

The substandard living conditions that ROK enlisted soldiers must endure for their 2-year stint (30 soldiers share a 10 pyong room sleeping “pigs-in-the-blanket” style (which is not only unsanitary and a public health problem contributing to everything from athlete’s foot to tuberculosis, I believe the deprivation of personal space and the absence of individual bunks (or racks) lends itself towards rapes and encouraging homosexual behavior);HKIM in Asisan pages



The total number of Koreans in Japan is 610000 but those moblized during the war as workers are only 245.木村幽閉記

Asakawa,an ethnic Korean in Japan argues in p170在日論の嘘that,
According to Asahi newspaper,
1)Korea government decided that she gave Koreans residents in Japan Korean citizenships
on October 10 in 1951
2)Japan and Korea agreed that Korean residents are deprived of their Japanese citizenship when the peace treaty took effective.
3)There are no movements againt it among Korean residents in Japan.
4)On the contrary,there is an evidence that show that there was a strong movement among Koreans against GHQ's decision to give Korean residents temporary Japanese citizenships.
And hence it is not true that Japanese goverment unilaterally deprived Korean residents in Japan of Japanese citizenship.



kojibomb Said:

November 2, 2006 at 2:55 pm

wow this is old article but…
it is true that many zainichi koreans are involved in illegal activities and groups… and many of them are currently leaders of some smaller groups.

I don’t think the main reason is because of their poor living conditions. I think its the role models like Rikidozan, Mas Oyama, etc who were involved with Yakuza etc.
Roppongi is basically made into what it is today by the Yakuza which Rikidozan was involved in. I think that’s why there are so many zainichi in these groups.

I found a movie called 血と骨 which is basically about

This amazingly gritty saga of the formidable rise and demise of Kin Shunpei, a Korean immigrant to Osaka, Japan in the 1920’s depicts not only the struggles and victories of the early Korean immigrant communities within Japan but also the almost unwitting emergence of a highly entrenched (Korean-immigrant-based) Yakuza presence which (it is said) exists to this day.

oh plus… there is prob a lot more Koreans in Japan excluding the ones who were identified because many came in illegally, or just don’t want to think that they are koreans I guess. At least half koreans…Kojimob at occidentalism

The governer of Cheju, however, privately told American intelligence that 60,000 had died, and that as many as 40,000 had fled to Japan ; officially 39,285 homes had been domolished,but the governer hought "most of the houses on the hills" were gone : of 400 villages , only 170 remained. In other words, one in ecery five or six islanders had perished and more than half villages been destroyed.page223 Korea's place in the sun

Torture under Japanese rule.

Torture before Japanese rule

the photos

Macenzie Tragedy of korea
The prisons were an abominatin, torture was freely employed, peridical jail cleanings were made by hanging scores of prisoners at a time, and justice was bought and sold.

The barbarities of the Korean courts and prisons still remain unchecked, my attention was called to the state of the prisons and I visited two of them. In the first at Ping,Yang, I found eigheedn men and one woman confined in one cell, Several of the men were fastened to the ground by wooded stocks. The prisoners wre emanciated and their bodies showed plain signs of horrible disease,Their clothing was of the poorest, the cell was indescribably filthty,and the prisoners were confined in it, without exercierse and without employmen, year after year. One man had been in the cell for six years."

The second prison, Sun-chon, wan much worse, In the inner room there ---so dark that for some moments I could see nothing---I found three men fastened flat on the ground, their heads and feet in stocks and their hand tied together. The room had no light or ventilation, save from a small hole in the wall The men's backs were fearfully scarred with cuts from beatings. Their arms were cut to the bone in many places by the ropes that had been tightly bound around them, and the wounds thus made were suppurating freely.The upper parts of the limbs were swollen;great weals and blisters could be seen on their flesh. One man's eyes were closed, and the sight gone, heavy suppuration oozing from the closed lids. Presumably the eyes had been knoccked in by blows. The men had lain thus confined without moving for days. I had them brought out into the sunshine. It was difficult work; one of them had already largely lost the use of his limbs, owing to their contraction.They were all starved and so broken that they had not even spirit to plead.The place was the nearest to hell i have ever seen.[1]

p80Later in the day, a second Proclamation was spread bradcast, calling on the soldiers to protect their King, to cut off the heads of the chief traitors, and to bring them to him.This gave the final edge to the temper of themob.Great parties sought out the old Cabinet Ministers to slay them.Two Ministers were dragged into the street and slaughtered there with every accompaniment of brutality. One was cut down by a horrible gash extending from the back of the neck to the front of the ears, the crowd shouting like wild beasts as he fell. The people hurled stones on the dead bodies, some stamping on them, somespitting on them, and some tearing limb from limb.One man whipped out his knife and carved a piece of flesh from the thigh of one of the corpses.He put it to his mouth, and said to the others,"Let us eat them."But this was too much even fr the frenzied people,and the crowd shrank back in horror.

Isabella Bird Korea and her Her Neighbors
P33 Korean, too , is the official yamen at the top of the hill, and Korean its method of punishment its brutal flagellations by yamen runners, its beating of criminals to death, their howls of anguish, penetrating the rooms of the adjacent English mission, and korean too are the bribery and corruption which make it and nearly every yamen sinks of iniquity
One of the most striking changes introduced into the Seoul of 1897 is the impovement in the prison, which is greatly owing to Mr.A.B. Stripling fromerly of the Shanghai Police, who, occupying a postion as adviser to the Police Department, is carrying out prison refroms, originally suggested by the Japanese, in a humane and enlighted manner. Torture has disappeared from the great city prison, but there were dark rumor that some of political prisoners, so lately as January,, 1897, were subjected to it elswhere.

Much has been done in the way of prison reform, and much remain to be done, specially in the direction of classification, but still the great Seoul prison contrast most of favorablly with the prison of China and other unreformed Oriental countries. Torture is at least nominally abolished and brutal exposures of severed heads and headless trunks, and beating and slicing of death, were made an end of during the ascendency of Japan.After an afternoon in the prison of Soeul, I could hardly believe it possible that only two years before I had seen several human heads hanging from tripod stands and lying on the ground in the throng of a bussiness street, and headless bodies lyingin their blood on the road outside the East Gate.

Torture under Japanese rule
The photo on the left is the room exhibited in the independent museum in Korea.
The blogger called muninn wrote,
The museum is dedicated to recording Japanese torture and cruelty towards the “patriotic ancestors” of the independence movement. The prison in question, built by the Japanese just prior to annexation, continued to be used well into the postwar period, but it is now overwhelmingly used as a symbol of colonial atrocities and you will find no mention of its postwar

I don't know what really happened in the prison, but the left photo is the list of interrogators in the prison:all of them are Korean names.Probably there were Japanse interrogators too, but there were also a lot of Korean military police (ken pei).In fact for instance,in 1910 60% of the police was Koreans.toron so Korean policemen also tortured Koreans.whatever happen in the prison, I think this is also the fact they should know.・・・・・
・・・・I thought Korean people did not know there were Korean prosecutors,but they knew it,There were survivors.Then why is it that they do not tell it at the independent memorial?
The survivors say that Lee Hong Gyu was more cruel and barbaric to his fellow countrymen than his Japanese masters.

michael-breen-tells- the truth

After Japanese rule

See also torture during the dictationship in Korea

The Supreme Public Prosecutors' Office said Friday it had come to the tentative conclusion that the allegations of torture with water of a suspect who subsequently died appear to be true.chosun libo

Comedian's Manager 'Tortured by Prosecutors'

Seo Se-won

Prosecutors subjected the manager of comedian Seo Se-won, identified as Ha, to brutal and prolonged torture in connection with a scandal involving his employer, the weekly magazine Sisa Press reports in its July 12 issue. Seo was involved in a corruption and tax scandal in 2002link

Torture Under The "People's Government"

The prosecution has announced that before a suspect died after being beaten while interrogated at the Seoul District Prosecutor's Office, he may have been subjected to water torture as well. ・・・・・・Water torture existed as recently as the nightmarish case of Bak Jong-cheol, and as far back as the dark days of Japanese imperialism. link

Torture Again?

Amid rising suspicion that a criminal suspect died of torture while being interrogated by the prosecution, some insist that the suspect was held upside down and water poured in his nostrils. The allegation gives Koreans a chilling reminder that we had gone back in time to the military authoritarian regime over a decade ago

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The Penal Code prohibits the mistreatment of suspects. The Government has ordered investigating authorities to protect the human rights of suspects, and allegations of abuse by authorities of those in custody continued to decline. Nonetheless police sometimes abused persons in custody. Prosecutors continued to place emphasis on securing convictions through confessions, a focus driven by cultural factors, with confession viewed as a necessary basis for the reform and rehabilitation of convicted defendants. The Supreme Court has ruled that confessions obtained after suspects have been deprived of sleep during an interrogation cannot be used in court, but police sometimes questioned suspects throughout the night. Credible sources also reported that in some cases police verbally or physically abused suspects, dispensing beatings, threats, and sexual intimidation in the course of arrest and police interrogation. However, human rights groups reported that the number of such cases continued to decline. Criminal suspects, who previously had been required to wear prison garb in court, were allowed to wear street clothes until proven guilty.

On October 26, murder suspect Cho Cheun-hun was beaten to death in custody (see Section 1.a.).

In 2001 police forcibly broke up three demonstrations, which had turned somewhat violent. In April 2001, 40 demonstrators and 55 police officers were injured at a demonstration near a Daewoo automobile factory. President Kim later expressed deep regret for the police's excessive use of force. Numerous Daewoo workers and police were also injured at the same location in February 2001, when police intervened at the request of Daewoo management because of alleged vandalism and destruction of company property.

In the past, police and security officials who abused or harassed suspects rarely were punished. However, in recent years, under the National Public Service Law and criminal law, a number of police and security officials accused of abuse or harassment have been punished or disciplined through demotion, pay cuts, and dismissal. In addition, 10 police officials were charged under criminal law during the year for abuses committed while on duty.
To investigate and redress the complaints of former detainees who claimed that officials of past military-backed governments tortured them or inflicted excessive punishments, in May 2000 the Government enacted the Special Act on the Investigation of Suspicious Deaths (see Section 1.a.) and the Act on the Restoration of the Honor of and Compensation for Persons Engaged in the Democratic Movement. In 2000 the Commission for the Restoration of Honor and Compensation to Activists of the Democratization Movement was established to review cases. As of September, this Commission had determined that, in the over 1,835 cases reviewed to date, compensation was due in 33 cases, the names of 1,600 activists should be cleared, and students Park Ching-chul and Lee Han-yeul should be recognized posthumously as democracy activists.

Prison conditions were Spartan but generally met international standards. Prison diets were adequate, but the facilities offered little protection against cold in the winter and heat in the summer. Some prisoners claimed that these conditions damaged their health and that medical care was inadequate. By year's end, the Government had installed floor heating and cooling systems in 21 of 44 prisons nationwide as part of a multi-year plan to upgrade the entire prison system. Traveling clinic teams visited prisons, and prison clinics were equipped with x-ray machines.

Inmates occasionally criticized guards for using excessive force or needlessly putting prisoners in manacles.

I think there were tortures by Japanese and Korean policemen under Japanese rule.(though I am not sure exactly what it was like).The fact that the Criminal Procedure Code was reformed in Japan after the war and Japan made it clear in the constitution that criminal procedure must be observed strictly shows that there were grave wrongs in Japanese criminal procedure during that periods.
However, I hope Koreans will not use this facts to fuel the hatred against Japan, ignoring the facts that many Koreans were also the part of that prosecution system.

[1}Makenzie criticize Japan for not reforming this situation, but it was before the annexation.At this time,Japan sent only a few advisers but the domestic matter was left to Koreans.

War collabolatoin under Japanese rule---Korea

Thephotos aboves are Korea soldiers.
If Koreans really wanted to to regist Japanese rule, they could do so using bayonets they were given.
Instead, Korean lieutenants took the lead and give Japanese and Korean soldiers orders to fight.

Koreans enthusiastically filled out applications for Japanese army.

year…# of the accepted…# of the applicants…the rate ofcompetitoin
1938年…………406人…- …………2,946人…-…………7.7 : 1
1939年…………613人…- …………12,348人……………20.1 : 1
1940年…………3,060人……………84,443人……………27.6 : 1
1941年…………3,208人……………144,743人 …… ……45.1 : 1
1942年…………4,077人……………254,273人 ………… 62.4 : 1
1943年…………6,300人……………303,394人 ………… 48.2 : 1

In 1943, when Toujou,A criminal , was a prime minister, more than 300000 young men volountarily applied for the army.In that year, the population of Korea was about 2500000, Let's divide it into two, so that we get the number of male.The result is 1250000. I do not know the rate of young men, but let's say half of the men were young enough and not too old for the soldiers.We get 625000.
And more than 300000 young men volountarily applied for the Japanese army, that means, about half of the young men supported the war.I mihgt be mistaken about how to evaluate the rate of young men, but you can not ignore this number.More than 300000 young men applied for the army might be said they were still victims of war, but they were not just passive victims of the war:you can not hide the fact that they were a part of agressors on their own wills.

Japanese mistreatment of POWS was terrible but

in ‘Prisoners of the Japanese,’ on page 104 Gavan Daws makes the following comment

“No one could imagine anything worse than a Japanese guard until Korean guards began turning up in the Southeast Asian camps.”link
And this English POW recalls,-

One had succumbed to a particularly severe bashing by Korean guards, 'some of the cruellest men in the world', who had taken over. Some relief was found with a new commandant, Sergeant Junze Higaki who spoke good English and was a Christian. He ordered the prisoners to move to another locationlink

This is from Wartime, the military history magazine published by the Australian War Memorial (Issue 32, Fourth Quarter, 2005, “An Unfamiliar Face of the Enemy” by Rosilind Hearder):

“Allied prisoners had their most frequent contact with camp guards. Many of those were conscripted Japanese soldiers, although most were actually Korean. When former prisoners of war speak of Japanese cruelty, many then note, ” . . . but the Koreans were the worst.” seems there were some Korean guards who tried to ameliorate the suffering of Allied prisoners, but the majority had a bad reputation.


jsg /Posted 13 Nov 2006 at 11:40 am at marmot

When the Filipinos discovered that I was marrying a Korean, a couple of times they recoiled in horror, asking why would I want to do that? I soon learned that the Korean jailers were infamous for their sadistic treatment of Filipinos during the Japanese occupation of the Philippines. And at least as late as the mid 1970’s, that horrible image of Koreans remained with many Filipinos. As much as they detested the Japanese, many Filipinos hated the Koreans even more for their sadism and unnecessary crueltyTomCoynerat Marmot

Here is a list of Korean military police who are commended by the army.

And Korean Kamikaze

Here is pro-Japanese Korean pilot.linklink

And this is the photo of Korean people who are paying respect to the soldiers.

148 Koreans were sentenced as war

During the war 202,341 Koreans served in Japan’s Army and Navy.
Out of this number 22,183

Indeed, Japanese and Korea worked together in an unfortunate way.

Not only did Koreans collaborate with the Japanese on a basis of equality unimaginable between Africans and their European overlords, but, as Eckert makes crystal clear, Korean businessmen profited to an extreme degree from Japan's late 1930s aggressions in Manchukuo and China. Koreans were much more beneficiaries and accomplices of Japanese imperial aggression than they were the victims they prefer to see themselves as being, with Korean magnates waxing fat off Japanese imperial subsidies, tariff preferences, bank loans and orders for military equipment.Foreign Dispatches
Indeed, Korean industrialists even set up of their own accord a Choson Aircraft Company to manufacture planes for kamikaze attacks. Korean and Japanese cooperation in the pursuit of war production (and profits) was extremely tight.Abiola Lapite

The record of the “vigorous peninsular youth” reads as follows:

The purpose of our travel to the mainland is entirely different from school trips. One purpose is to worship at the Ise shrine and to worship the imperial palace from a distance. Another purpose is to present ourselves to the people of the in-land and achieve an ever stronger unity between the in-land and Korea. …. We prayed for the hallowed divine nation Japan and for its continuing prosperity, and ever more firmly confirmed our desire to repay even a ten-thousandth of the sacred debt of the Emperor’s benevolent gaze that is equally bestowed upon us [isshi dojin]. We worship the east every morning at our training center and each time recite our oath as members of the Imperial nation [kokoku kokumin] as though we stood before the Emperor; in doing so, we strengthened our conviction as subjects [shinmin]. When we respectfully worshiped before the Nijūbashi Bridge, we could only weep tears of gratitude.Toa newspaper/“vigorous peninsular youth”/in the article of Kang Sang Jung

[*]Kan explains,
Precisely because of this discrimination, the unattainable “ecstatic” desire for an active decision to become “Japanese” grew ever stronger

I wonder what motivated these Koreans to have "the fervent desire to become “Japanese”in the first place.


表1 各地域別人員と死者等

地域.....分類.....動員.....復員.....不明又は戦没 不明又は戦没率
Area.....classification.....mobilization.....survived.... unknown/dead.....the rate

militariy related worker.....126,047.....110,043......16,004.....12.7%

BCcriminals...guilty....death sentence




1872年(M6) 徴兵制度はじまる
1910年 日韓併合(韓国併合ニ関スル条約(明治43年条約第4号))
1917年 7月20日軍事扶助法(軍事救護法施行ニ関スル件(大正6年勅令第205号))
1918年 朝鮮軍人及朝鮮軍人遺族扶助令(大正7年勅令第299号)
1921年 朝鮮軍軍法会議ニ関スル法律(大正10年法律第86号)
3月3日 陸軍特別志願兵領施行細則(陸軍政令第11号)
4月1日 国家総動員法(昭和13年法律第55号)→国家総動員法及戦時緊急措置法廃止法律(昭和20年法律第44号)抄録
4月2日 朝鮮総督府・陸軍病気志願者訓練所規定
朝鮮総督府・陸軍兵志願者訓錬所生徒採用規則→ 陸軍兵特別志願
1941年 朝鮮総督府傷痍軍人療養所官制(昭和16年勅令第313号)
1943年 戦時行政特例法及許可認可等臨時措置法ヲ朝鮮、台湾及樺太ニ施行スルノ件(昭和18年勅令第242号)
7月 27日 海軍特別志願兵令(昭和18年勅令第608号),
 朝鮮 徴兵検査⇒訓練中に終戦を迎える
10月28日 軍需会社法ヲ朝鮮及台湾ニ施行スルノ件(昭和19年勅令第605号)←軍需会社法 (昭和18年10月31日法律第108号)
1945年 軍事特別措置法ヲ朝鮮及台湾ニ施行スルノ件(昭和20年勅令第256号)
1946年 朝鮮人、中華民国人、本島人及本籍ヲ北緯三十度以南(口之島ヲ含ム)ノ鹿児島県又ハ沖縄県ニ有スル者登録令(昭和21年厚生、内務、司法省令第1号)
9月8日 対日平和条約調印(於:サンフランシスコ)
1965年 日韓基本条約調印(同年12月18日発効)
1987年 台湾住民である戦没者の遺族等に対する弔慰金等に関する法律(法律第105号)公布・施行


전체공개로 작성된 게시물은 누구나 읽을 수 있습니다.

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日帝時代朝鮮の志願兵入隊競争率 | 近現代戦争社 2006.12.13 11:44
2006.12.13 11:44

二頭髪(dudubal) 초보

아 래 knight3711님 글에 달린 yogsototh님의 댓글은 창군시 광복군의 수가 적을 수 밖에 없었음을 명확하게 보여주었습니다. 제가 파악한 바로도 해방직후 광복군은 400명 정도이고 일본군 출신은 24만명이나 되었으니까요. 조선인민군 공군도 창설 멤버들이 주로 일본군이나 만주군 출신의 조종사 정비사인것을 보면 지나가는 사람 데려다 공군조종사 시킬 수 없다는 미루님이나 능력에 따라 직위를 줘야한다는 캥거루님의 의견도 일리 있는 말씀입니다. 10만명 정도의 군대를 유지하려해도 수천명의 장교가 필요한 법인데 광복군이 다 장교로 국군에 들어 왔다 해도 소수가 될 수 밖에 없는 상황입니다.
下 の knight3711様文による yogsototh様のデッグルは創軍の時光復軍の数が少ないしかなかったことを明確に見せてくれました.私が把握したところでも解放直後光復軍は 400人位で日本軍出身は 24万名もなったからです.朝鮮人民軍空軍も創設メンバーたちが主に日本軍や満洲だね出身の操縦士整備師であるものを見れば通り過ぎる人やけどしようとし たが空軍操縦士させることができないという未塁様や能力によって職位を与えなければならないというカンガルー様の意見も一理あるお話です.10万名位の軍 隊を維持しようとしても数千名の将校が必要な法なのに光復軍がすべて将校で国軍に入って来たと言っても少数になるしかない状況です.

국군에 들어온 광복군이 적을 수 밖에 또 하나의 이유는 이 분들이 조국 광복을 목표로 하여 자신의 포부와 생업을 포기하면서 들어온 분들이기에 상당수는 더 이상 군생활을 할 이유가 없어졌다는 점도 들 수 있겠습니다. 김준엽, 윤경빈 교수처럼 학계로 가신분들도 있고 장준하 선생처럼 사회운동 하신 분도 계시고 다른 분들도 각자 그동안 미뤄왔던 다른 일도 해야 하셨을테니까요.
国 軍に入って来た光復軍が少ないの外にまた一つの理由はこの方々が祖国光復を目標にして自分の抱負と生業をあきらめながら入って来た方々だからかなり多い数 はこれ以上軍生活をする理由が消えたという点も入ることができます.キム・ズンヨップ,ユンギョングビン教授のように学界で仮身分たちもあってザングズン ハ先生のように社会運動なさった方もいらっしゃって他の方々も各各その間延ばして来た他の仕事もするとハショッウルテだから.

yogsototh님 글에 따르면 국군에 입대한 광복군 총 수는 250명이라 하셨는데 이중에는 해방후 광복군 일명 짝퉁광복군도 약간 섞여 있지 않나 조심스럽게 추측해 봅니다.
yogsototh様文によれば国軍に入隊した光復軍総数は 250人と言ったがこの中には解放の後光復軍一名チァックトンググァンボックグンもちょっとまじていないが控え目に推測して見ます.

광복군에 관한 책들을 보다 보면 항상 초모사업에 부심하는 모습들이 많이 보입니다. 간부들과 조직은 있는데 병사들 구하기가 쉽지 않았고 일제 말기에 일본군을 탈출한 조선인들이 상당수 입대하지만 1945년 4월 현재 광복군 수가 344명 정도였던것으로 파악되고 있습니다. 이런 저런 이유로 안타깝게도 광복군은 일본군과 분대 단위의 전투도 치뤄 본 적이 없습니다.
光 復軍に関する諸本を見ていればいつも招募事業に苦心する姿がたくさん見えます.幹部たちと組職はあるのに兵士ら求めやすくなかったし日製末期に日本軍を脱 出した朝鮮人たちがかなり多い数入隊するが 1945年 4月現在光復軍数価 344人ゾングドヨッドンゴッに把握されています.あらゆる理由で切なくも光復軍は日本軍と分隊単位の戦闘も受けて見た事がないです.

이와는 대조적으로 일제가 1938년부터 시행한 조선인 특별지원병 모집에서는 상상을 초월하는 경쟁율을 보여줍니다.
これとは対照的に日帝が 1938年から施行した朝鮮の特別志願兵募集では想像を超越する競争率を見せてくれます.

연도 채용수 지원자수 경쟁율

1938 400 2946 7.7:1
1938 400 2946 7.7:1

1939 600 12348 20.6:1
1939 600 12348 20.6:1

1940 3000 84443 28.1:1
1940 3000 84443 28.1:1

1941 3000 144743 48.2:1
1941 3000 144743 48.2:1

1942 4500 254273 56.5:1
1942 4500 254273 56.5:1

1943 5330 303394 56.7:1
1943 5330 303394 56.7:1

태평양전쟁이 한창인데도 경쟁율이 50:1이 넘으니 일본 육군성 병무국장은 싱글벙글이었고 이렇게 높은 입대경쟁율은 강제징집으로 이어집니다.
太平洋戦争が真っ最中なのに競争率が 50:1が過ぎたら日本陸軍省兵務局長はにこにこだったしこんなに高い入隊競争率は強制徴集につながります.

출처 조선군사령부, 광복군연구
Mycoree at occidentalism


High status Koreans and pro-Japanese under Japanese rule----Korea

For Korean historians, the colonial period is both too painful and too saturated with resistance mythologies that cannot find verification in any archive. North Korea has concocted whole tapestries of events that exist only in the hagiography of Kim Il Sung..In the South one particular decade---that between 1935 and 1945---is an empty cupboard:millions of people used and abused by the Japanese cannot get records on what they know to have happened to them ,and thousands of Korean who worked with the Japanese have simply erased that history as if it had never happened. Even lists of officials in local genealogical repositories (country histories, for example) go blank on this 139/Korea's Place in the Sun by Bruce Cumings


The Korean royalty was incorporated into the Japanese royalty during the Japanese
A marquis侯爵

An earl伯爵
A viscount子爵
李完鎔 /李埼鎔/朴齊純/高永喜/趙重應/閔丙奭 /李容稙 /金允植 /權重顯 /李夏榮/
李根澤 /宋秉畯 /任善準/李載崑 /尹徳栄(尹德榮)/趙民熙 /李秉武/李根命/閔泳奎/
閔泳韶 /閔泳徽/金聲根 /
A baron男爵
尹用求/金奭鎭/韓昌洙/李根湘/朴齊斌 /成岐運 /金春熙 /趙同熙 /朴箕陽/金思濬
張錫周 /閔商鎬 /趙東潤 /崔錫敏/韓圭咼/南廷哲/李乾夏/李容泰/閔泳綺 /李鍾健
李鳳儀/尹雄烈/李根澔 /鄭洛鎔 /閔種默/李載克/李允用/李正魯/金永哲/李容元
金宗漢/趙鼎九/金鶴鎭 /朴容大/金思轍/金炳翊 /李胄榮/鄭漢朝/閔炯植/洪淳馨
兪吉濬 /閔泳達/趙慶鎬 /

Note that the son of King,李垠 married 梨本宮方子,Japanese imperial highness queen.
She adopted Korean name 李方子(Yi, panja?)
the photo
Can you imagine Indian nobel man marrying English noble woman under English colonization?

Park Choon-Geum (박춘금, 朴春琴) was the first Korean to be elected into the House of Representatives in 1932, and re-elected in 1938. Several members of the Korean Royalty were appointed to the House of Peers (貴族院) including Park Young-Hyo (박영효, 朴泳孝) in 1932. 38 Koreans were elected into local assemblies in

From 1910 to 1935, out of tatal number of 125 governers, 49 were Koreans.
Under these governers, Japanese officials as well as Koreans worked.

Hong Shi-Yok (洪思翊), a lieutenant general. Park Chung Hee (朴正熙; 박정희),Lieutenant were famouse soldiers, under whom Japanese soldiers took orders.

Can you imagine that an Indian soldier ordered Engllish soldier in the troop during the colonization period?

There were many Korean principals and teachers in Korea.

And the link 2005 YonhapNewsis the list of pro-Japanese.It is written in Korea.It says they've found more than 3000 pro-Japanese.That is huge number to me.And it seems that they were intellectuals and talented people in that era.If they include layman, the number will drastically increase.
I don't know the criteria, but as I showed in another place, 300000 young men filled out applications for Japanese army.They did not have to, and actually there were many who did not apply.But again it is the fact that more than 300000 people volountarily applied for it.They were nobody but pro-Japanese in my opinion.If Koreans accuses pro-Japanese under Japanese rule,and it seems they were accusing,[1] probably they have to accuse mojority of thier grandparents.I just do not understand what they are doing for.


As of March 2nd 2004, it’s illegal in South Korea to be friendly to those “Imperialist Japs” (帝強制占領下反民族行為の真相糾明に関する特別法 in Korean 친일진상규명법) and as of December 8th 2005, said “Jap Lover”’s properties and decendents properties can be seized by the government (親日反民族行為者財産帰属特別法)だりん親日反民族行為者財産帰属特別法친일진상규명법日帝強占下反民族行為真相究明特別法

the list of pro-Japense Korean


In general the communists were not steadfast fighters against the Japanese. In the early 1930s every Korean communist intellectual without exception signed a declaration renouncing communism and pledging support for the emperor, and many became very prolific propagandists for Hiro. Some of these collaborators (eg Song Yeong) scampered so fast up to Pyongyang precisely because they were being run out of Seoul. The Chondogyo followers, the Christians, the nationalists did not have sterling histories of resistance either, but taken as a group their record is better than that of the commies - presuming, of course, that there were any real communists in the true sense of the term during the colonial period (which Scalapino and Lankov both doubt).montclaire @ September 16th, 2006 at Marmot

see alsoDoes it matter?

件名標題(日本語) 朝鮮人又ハ台湾島人ハ判事検事其ノ他ノ内地官吏ニ任用スルコトヲ得ルモノトス
階層 国立公文書館>内閣>公文類聚>官職>公文類聚・第三十九編・大正四年・第七巻・官職門六・任免~雑載

レファレンスコード A01200113900
言語 jpn
資料作成年月日 大正04年07月24日
規模 10
内容 司甲一〇 官職 大正4年7月24日 内閣書記官長 内閣書記官 7月24日 内閣書記官長 司法次官宛 回答 本年3月6日職一第一八一号ヲ以テ照会ノ趣了承右ハ朝鮮人又ハ台湾 ハ判事檢事其ノ他ノ内地官吏ニ任用スルコトヲ得ルモノト思考ス 法制局

Economy under Japanese ruleーーーーKorea


Let me point out some facts about the economic situation in the late Chosun period, before we talk about the economy under Japan's rule. Here is what a Korean professor at Soeul National Univ., Ahn Byong-Jick says.
Taiwan was an island which traded with mainland China and Europe from the 17th century on, resulting in a highly developed commerce. In the case of Korea, in the late Choson dynasty, there was some commercialization, but it basically remained a "Hermit Kingdom" ( as Westerners referred to it ), controlled by the natural

Taiwan's commercial economy was quite developed prior to colonization. In Korea's case, even if there was some development in commerce, the overall level of commercialization was very

late Choson period Korea's most advanced agricultural operations were grain cultivation and commercial cash crop cultivation, in other words diversified

Joseon dynasty had no important money. Back then, commerce was very weak in Korea. People self-supplied most things and commerce was discouraged by the government. Money was not in much use in KoreaUrbanara

And western people who witnessed Chosun said,
“In Korea there were no educational associations; and, outside of a very small circle in a few cities, there was little or no interest in education.” (Ladd 37) For him, the Yangban have no appreciation for the greater issues for mankind, “The problems of life and destiny, the Being of God, the constitution of the universe, the fundamental principles of ethics, politics, and law are of little concern to him.” (Ladd 157)frog

“Narrowness, grooviness, conceit, superciliousness, a false pride which despises manual labor, a selfish individualism, destructive of generous public spirit and social trustfulness, a slavery in act and thought to customs and traditions 2,000 years old, a narrow intellectual view, a shallow moral sense, and an estimate of women essentially degrading, appear to be the products of the Korean educational system.” (Bishop 387)

Keijo university.which is Seoul University now, was founded at this period.

see also the late chosun period on this blog.

General descripiton

Now Let's look at the encyclopedia

Drawing on the Meiji government's experience, the colonial state introduced a set of expensive policy measures to modernize Korea. One important project was to improve infrastructure: railway lines were extended, and roads and harbors and communication networks were improved, which rapidly integrated goods and factor markets both nationally and internationally. Another project was a vigorous health campaign: the colonial government improved public hygiene, introduced modern medicine, and built hospitals, significantly accelerating the mortality decline set in motion around 1890, apparently by the introduction of the smallpox vaccination. The mortality transition resulted in a population expanding 1.4% per year during the colonial period. The third project was to revamp education. As modern teaching institutions quickly replaced traditional schools teaching Chinese classics, primary school enrollment ration rose from 1 percent in 1910 to 47 percent in 1943. Finally, the cadastral survey (1910-18) modernized and legalized property rights to land, which boosted not only the efficiency in land use, but also tax revenue from landowners. These modernization efforts generated sizable public deficits, which the colonial government could finance partly by floating bonds in Japan and partly by unilateral transfers from the Japanese government.

(BTW,School admitted Japanese and Koreans without descriminatio, but the fee for Japanese was 40 yen on average, for Korean about 8 yen.toron)

On Herman Lautensach, who toured Korea in the late 1930s,a historian wrote,
Lautensach, no apologist for colonialism, was still much impressed by the rapid development of Korea in the late 1930s. Here was an obvious, indeed astonishing, success, even if the development was oriented toward the needs of the empire. Combined with a succession of excellent harvests in 1936, 1937, and 1938, Lautensach wrote about a Korean boom "with the rapid development of all of Korea's economic capacity, and a certain amount of prosperity beginning to enter even the farmer's huts." The northeast corner of Korea, long backward, was according to Lautensach experiencing an upswing unlike any other part of Korea, mainly because of its incorporation into Manchurian trading networks. So there is scattered evidence of even a Korean mini-boom in the 1930s as Japan pushed a heavy industrialization program throughout its northeast Asian imperial sphereBruce cumings

But you might think Japapn exploited Korea so hard,But the fact is,

"The colonial returns (of investment, M.S.) did not amount to much. Previous research (...) has shown that Japanese investment in Korea (by residents and non-residents) produced corporate profits, interests and agricultural rent totalling 133 million yen in 1930 and 373 million yen in 1940. This was only 3 percent of non-agricultural property income generated in Japan (the latter coming to 4,210 million yen in 1930 and 11,724 million yen in 1940; ...)" (p. 563)
Rather than being able to use colonial administration for profit to the Japanese government, the cost of colonial administration was paid by the Japanese taxpayer, in the form of a general subsidy to help run the colony and military outlays.
Mitsuhiko Kimura, 'The Economics of Japanese Imperialism in Korea, 1910-1939'

Do you think this is exploitation? It is true that large scale companies were owned by Japanese, but,
But with the economic boom during World War I, Korean enterprises grew in number.
By 1938, however, Japanese companies were down to 39.9% of the total, meaning that around 60% were Korean firms link

Factories in Korea and Taiwan by Ethnicity
( Unit: No. of factories, %)

Year………a. Korean ………b. Japanese……… c. Total b/c=% Japanese

1914 ……… 175……… 471……… 646……… 72.9
1920……… 943……… 1,125……… 2,068……… 54.4
1925……… 2,005……… 2,068……… 4,090……… 51.0
1930……… 2,233……… 2,013 ……… 4,246 ……… 47.4
1932……… 2,492 ……… 2,113 ……… 4,605 ……… 45.6
1935……… 3,285 ……… 2,345……… 5,630……… 41.7
1938……… 3,963……… 2,627 ……… 6,590……… 39.9
(This.I think. is a surprising development considering that commercial economiy was not developed before the colonization,)

A korean professor asks,
In the colonial economy, whose welfare was the primary objective?

Another Korean professor answers,
My frank answer to the question -for whose welfare economic development occurred in the colonial period - is that I don't know
It is not possible to say in one simple phrase for whose benefit economic development took place. Those participating in the market were most likely all working for their own benefit. Second, what exactly were colonial policies. Of course, I agree that they were linked to the goals of the colonial metropole, but I have grave doubts about making a simple direct link between policies and systematic exploitation of the

I think he is fair.

How about farmers? A serf was liberated from Ynagban, but is it not that farmers suffered because Japan's oppressive rule? - --That's what I hear often from some of korean people, but
Production and consumption of Rice

The Rice Production Development Program (1920-1933), a policy response to the Rice Riots in Japan in 1918, was aimed at increasing rice supply within the Japanese empire. In colonial Korea, the program placed particular emphasis upon reversing the decay in water control. The colonial government provided subsidies for irrigation projects, and set up institutions to lower information, negotiation, and enforcement costs in building new waterways and reservoirs. Improved irrigation made it possible for peasants to grow high yielding rice seed varieties. Completion of a chemical fertilizer factory in 1927 increased the use of fertilizer, further boosting the yields from the new type of rice seeds. Rice prices fell rapidly in the late 1920s and early 1930s in the wake of the world agricultural depression, leading to the suspension of the program in 1933
Despite the Rice Program, the structure of the colonial economy has been shifting away from agriculture towards manufacturing ever since the beginning of the colonial rule at a consistent pace. From 1911-40 the share of manufacturing in GDP increased from 6 percent to 28 percent, and the share of agriculture fell from 76 percent to 41 percent.

Per capita grain consumption declined during the colonial period, providing grounds for traditional criticism of the Japanese colonialism exploiting Korea. However, per capita real consumption increased, due to rising non-grain and non-good consumption, and Koreans were also getting better education and living longer. In the late 1920s, life expectancy at birth was 37 years, an estimate several years longer than in China and almost ten years shorter than in Japan. Life expectancy increased to 43 years at the end of the colonial period. Male mean stature was slightly higher than 160 centimeters at the end of the 1920s, a number not significantly different from the Chinese or Japanese height, and appeared to become shorter during the latter half of the colonial

Still the lands were deprved of farmers, weren't they?
Here is a review of the article on it.

Landownership Under Colonial Rule
He asks whether the economic deprivation and suffering of the countryside in colonial Korea was produced from the outset by an officially sanctioned confiscation or plunder of Korean agricultural land by Japanese individuals and corporations under a fig leaf of legal forms, as is often alleged, or developed later as a gradual consequence of the introduction of modern legal instruments of credit, purchase and sale into Korean's rural economy and its planned integration into the overall economy of Japan. He shows compelling evidence for the latter as an answer
One result of the new market forces operating in Korea was to make conditions in the countryside of both countries subject to the boom and bust cycles of modern, "rational" capitalism. Bankruptcies, mortgage foreclosures, forfeitures and sales of property for meeting debt obligations are a regular feature of the "bust" periods everywhere. Thus it was the Great Depression that brought misery to the Korean countryside, just as it did in Japan. Through a very careful scrutiny of both statistical data and anecdotal evidence, Gragert has discovered instances of only market mechanisms playing a role in rural Korea's sad plight. The cadastral survey of 1910-1918 and the use of clear ownership concepts through modern legal deeds were designed to facilitate all contract-based transactions and to produce more precise and predictable sources of state revenue. And similar modern mechanisms for similar purposes were to some extent already a part of the Korean experience under the less-than-fully-carried-out changes brought about by Korean reformers of the 1894-1908 period. Japan thus built new structures upon pre-existing foundations.

Gragert fully recognizes that plans - dark conspiracies, if you will were indeed hatched in Tokyo to resettle massive numbers of Japanese farmers in Korea through, for instance, the notorious Oriental Development Company in the first years of colonial rule, but parts of the plans had to be watered down and other parts were abandoned under pressure from stiff Korean opposition as well as market conditions. This demonstrates that there were limits to Japan's ruthless railroading. Accommodations had to be made even by the single-minded Japanese rulers. In the end, patterns of land ownership in colonial Korea show a remarkable continuity with the past. Owners sometimes changed but no overwhelming shift took place from Korean to Japanese hands or in land tenure patterns. If new Japanese landowners emerged, so did new Korean ones - and in greater numbers. This remained so even after the severely dislocating effects of the Great Depression. Tenancy rates in rural Korea, for example, rose sharply in the early 1930s and Japanese ownership of Korean land did increase dramatically, but due to market forces at work. Still, in 1935 Japanese individuals and corporations accounted for less than 10 percent of the combined ownership of paddy, upland, and residential land in the villages examined by Gragert.

It is clear from Gragert's account, however, that in the early 1930s while at the micro-level Korean farmers and landowners were subject to sudden fluctuations caused by the depression, at the macro-level the Japanese rulers carefully fine tuned their policies toward Korea to ensure that the adverse effects of the Korean market on Japan's own producers and consumers would be minimized. "The advantage of Korea as an agricultural colony was significant," says the author. `"The spigots of imports could be manipulated, turned on or off as the imperial Japanese economy needed, without regard for the market's actual supply and demand, and the consequences in Korea" (p.138)
And the consequences to many rural Koreans were indeed drastic. Destitute Koreans seeking new sources of livelihood in Manchuria, in Japan itself or elsewhere became a common sight. Although many Japanese followed a similar course, more of them enjoyed the protective umbrella of a paternal government. In the wake of the depression, the Japanese government also shifted its financial resources in Korea from agriculture to industry based on the home country's own new priorities. Thus, the metropole always came before the periphery, showing how precarious Korean agriculture's place in official plans was. link

Korea was extremely poor in natural resources. Especially in agricultural products, the only exportable crop was rice. The best way to counter economic instability arising from problems in the rice economy was through industrializationlink

Well but・・・・・workers must have been oppressed severely.

Park examines colonial labor policy in the 1920s and 1930s with a focus on the factory law debates that involved many sectors of society as well as the colonial government. Criticizing the conventional view that Korean workers during the colonial period had no legal protection or channels for grievances, she shows how the colonial regime attempted to accommodate labor discontent into legal

based on the section's research and survey results on the labor situation in the factories and mines, the government stipulated the Factory Control Regulation (Kongjang ch'uich'e kyuchóng) for factories hiring more than 10 full-time employees, applying to Kyónggi province. Such enactment triggered a series of debates on further expansion of this regulation into a full-scale nationwide factory law. The debates continued throughout the 1920s with a peak in the early 1930s until the war mobilization years of the late 1930s, when labor-management cooperation in the name of industrial patriotism (Sanpo movement) was stressed.

Examination of the debates can reveal the way and the extent to which business groups (both in Korea and Japan), Korean journalism, Korean moderate nationalists, some progressive social organizations like Sin'ganhoe, and workers' labor unions played roles in shaping labor policymaking process in colonial society. This examination can also reveal the complexity of Japanese colonial rule in Korealink
the colonial regime had a keen concern with labor problems and attempted to accommodate labor discontent into a legal

I do not claim Japanese government holded ideal policy, but she did not have a free hand, she had to listen to the voice of Koreans people, and corporatism rather than oppression is the right word for her
I think it is too simple to look at the colonial period in an oppressor-oppressed scheme.

I am not interested in the impact on the subsequent korean economy but I'll cite a few professors anyway.

Dennis L. McNamara
"...McNamara makes the case that Korea's post-1965 economic success and its politial economy is inexplicable without understanding the colonial legacy. This argument is a corrective to the existing literature on colonialism in Korea, and his case studies have much to contribute to the study of colonial history." Meredith Woo-Cumings, Journal of Asian and African Studies

Carter J. Eckert
The author (of Offspring of Empire argues, that Japanese "(c)olonialism...for better or worse...was the catalyst and cradle of industrial development in Korea...". Using the example of two brothers, Kim Songsu and Kim Yonsu, Eckart reveals a rough portrait of middle-class life in pre-and-Occupation-era Korea. Wading through economic statistics, newspaper clippings, boardroom minutes, and interviews, the author also contends against nationalistic, whether South Korean ("sprouts theory") or North Korean, theories of Korean offspring of the empire

David S. Landes
[T]he best colonial master of all time has been Japan, for no ex-colonieshave done so well as (South) Korea and Taiwan, where annual growth rates per head from 1950 to 1973 exceeded those of the advanced industrial nations・・・This achievement reflects in my opinion the culture of these societies:the structure, work values, sense of purpose.・・・・These values were already there under Japanse rule, partly in reaction to it, and showed in the response to profit opportunities whenever the alien master gave the native some working room.But the postcolonial sucess also testifies the colonial legacy: the ecnomic rationality of the japanese Administration, which undertook in the colonies "the superbly sucessful modernization effort which Japan itself had undertaken.
To be sure,, the inhabitants of Korea and Taiwan would not agree with this.They remember tyranny, torture, and abuse---memories embittered by an "in your face" Japanese refusal of regret or remorse. Remorse for what? The system worked.Besides,
Japaen was as responsible in its policies toward its colonial populations was Belgium in the Congo,France in Indo-China, Holland in the East Indies, or Germany,Italy, Spain, or Portugal in Africa.And in all fairness, it can be argued, it is against these other colonial situations, rather than against some theoretical utopia, that Japan's colonial efforts should be judged.

The world belongs to those with a clear consience, something Japan has ha in near-unanimous abundance.p437 wealth and poverty of nations

Bruce Cuming
Q Isn't it true that 80 to 90 percent of what the Japanese built was destroyed during the Korean War?
A ・・・the bombing in South Korea and the destruction of facilities was much, much less than North Korea. Your argument works perfectly for North Korea, which was cleaned like a slate by American bombing. But nonetheless, any engineer will tell you that if you have a rail bed that has been bombed, it's much easier to repair it than to build it from scratch, and all through the bombing that went on for three years in the North, the North Koreans kept the railways running.

If the Japanese left nothing, why is the colonial central government building only being torn down now, in the 1990s? Why is the Blue House, which the Japanese governor-general and successive South Korean presidents used for their presidential mansion, only being torn down now? Why is the Seoul railway station still standing? Why are all these colonial buildings there?

Q whatever might have been built by the Japanese, there were lots of Koreans who were running them, who knew all the nuts and bolts. And I think that the Japanese did that for them, they trained a number of Koreans to run the railroads.
A ・・・it isn't just the railways, it's lots of other places. Koreans are a talented people, and in the context of a fifty-year imperial experience, lots of them saw the virtue of going to Japan to get an education. Much of the postwar South Korean elite got an education like thatBruce Comings

Useful links
Facts and myths about Korea's economic past
Peasant Protest & Social Change in Colonial Korealink
Japanese Colonialism in Korea Bruce cumings

The photos
Korea in Pictures of a Hundred Years Ago
the photo:education



식민지조선의 다양성·역동성 인정해야
한국의 식민지 근대성
신기욱·마이클 로빈슨 엮음

일제시대를 이해하는 관점은 오랫동안 ‘수탈론’이었다. 일제(日帝)는 조선을 강점한 후 정치적으로 억압하고 경제적으로 착취했으며, 정상적인 근대화를 가로막았다. 식민지 시기는 물론 해방 후에도 ‘체험’에 바탕을 둔 이런 인식에 의문을 던지는 사람은 별로 없었다.

하지만 1980년대 들어 학계 일각에서 ‘식민지 근대화론’이 제기됐다. 일제시대에 조선은 괄목할만한 경제성장을 이루었고, 법적·제도적으로 근대화됐다는 것이었다. 통계로 뒷받침되는 이런 주장은 한국인들의 감정에 맞지 않지만 ‘학문’적으로 반박하기가 쉽지 않다.

양자의 대립은 거리가 좁혀지지 않은 채 지금까지 계속되고 있다. 이런 가운데 1990년대 후반 미국의 한국학 연구자들을 중심으로 양자를 모두 비판하고 이를 넘어서려는’제3의 시각’이 대두했다. 미국·한국·호주의 한국학 연구자들이 쓴 13편의 글을 담은 이 책은 그 대표적 성과로, 1999년 미국 하바드대 출판부에서 처음 간행된 이래 많은 주목을 받아왔다.

이 책의 기본 입장은 편저자들이 쓴 ‘서론’에 잘 나타나 있다. 이 글은 먼저 그 동안 역사 서술을 지배해 온 민족주의적 관점이 식민지 시기의 다양성과 역동성을 놓치고 말았다고 지적한다. 그러면서 민족주의와 식민주의의 ‘대결’못지 않게 양자가 근대성으로 가는 헤게모니를 놓고 ‘경쟁’하는 모습에도 주목할 것을 요구한다. 그 결과로 나타나는 독특한 근대성을 ‘식민지 근대성(Colonial Modernity)’라고 부른다.

이런 문제의식은 개별 논문들을 통해 뒷받침된다. 일제가 동화(同化)의 도구로 1927년 시작한 라디오 방송은 상업적 이유에서 조선어 방송을 강화할 수 밖에 없었고, 그 결과 식민지 조선의 근대 대중문화를 창조하는 ‘양날의 칼’이 됐다는 것이다. 또 보통 일제가 농업 생산력을 높여서 수탈을 극대화하려는 목적에서 추진한 것으로 이해되는 1930년대의 농촌진흥운동에 대해서도 ‘식민지 조합주의(Colonial Corporatism)’라는 새 관점을 제시한다. 즉 농촌에 침투하고 농민을 동원하려는 일제의 의도와 별도로 농민의 상호부조와 집단농업을 통해 농촌 갱생을 도모하려는 천도교·기독교 농본주의자들도 이 운동에 적극 참여했으며, 농촌의 복지를 증진시키는데 일정하게 기여했다는 것이다. 한편’민족’에 가려져 있던 하위 범주들에 대해서도 통념을 깬다. 1927년 신간회의 자매 조직으로 만들어진 ‘근우회’는 민족 전체의 이익을 앞세우는 바람에 여성해방 이론은 은폐되고 기껏해야 시녀 역할을 했을 뿐이라는 것이다.

분명 이런 주장들은 식민지 조선의 모습이 그 동안 그려왔던 것보다 훨씬 복잡하다는 사실을 일깨워준다. 이런 점에서 다원주의적·귀납적·객관적 역사 서술을 강조하는 카터 에커트 하바드대 교수(‘후기’)의 주장은 설득력이 있다. 하지만 역자(대전대 교수·한국사)도 지적하듯 이들은 ‘민족주의’에 대한 비판의 강도에 비해 ‘식민주의’의 제약에 대한 인식은 현저히 약하다. 또 일제 강점 이전 한국의 ‘근대성’을 향한 노력에 대한 이해도 부족해 보인다. 결국 식민지 이전과 이후를 포함하는 한국근현대사 전체의 ‘근대성’전개 과정에서 ‘식민지 근대성’의 올바른 위상을 자리매김하는 것은 앞으로의 과제이다.


日帝時代を理解する観点は長い間 ‘収奪では’だった.日帝(日帝)は朝鮮を強点した後政治的に抑圧して経済的に搾取したし,正常な近代化を塞いだ.植民地時期はもちろん解放後にも ‘体験’に土台を置いたこんな認識に疑問を投げる人はあまりいなかった.

しかし 1980年代に入って学界一刻で ‘植民地近代化論’が申し立てられた.日帝時代に朝鮮は刮目に値する経済成長を成したし,法的·制度的に近代化されたというのだった.統計に裏付されるこんな主張は韓国人たちの感情に当たらないが ‘学問’敵に駁しやすくない.

養子の対立は距離(通り)が狭められないまま今まで続いている.こんな中 1990年代後半アメリカの韓国学研究者たちを中心に養子を皆批判してこれを越そうとする’第3の視覚’がもたげた.アメリカ·韓国·オーストラリアの韓国学研究者たちが書いた 13編の文を盛ったこの本はその代表的成果で,1999年アメリカハーバード台出版部で初めて刊行された以来多い注目を引いて来た.

この本の基本立場(入場)は編著者たちが書いた ‘前書き’によく現われている.この文は先にその間歴史敍述を支配して来た民族主義的観点が植民地時期の多様性と躍動性を逃してしまったと指摘する.それとともに民族主義と植民主義の ‘対決’劣らず養子が近代性に行くヘゲモニーをおいて ‘競争’する姿にも注目することを要求する.その結果で現われる独特の近代性を ‘植民地近代性(Colonial Modernity)’と呼ぶ.

こんな問題意識は個別論文たちを通じて裏付される.日製が童話(同化)の道具で 1927年始めたラジオ放送は商業的理由で朝鮮語放送を強化するしかなかったし,その結果植民地朝鮮の近代大衆文化を創造する ‘もろ刃の刀’になったと言うのだ.また普通日製が農業生産力を高めて収奪を極大化しようとする目的で推進したことに理解される 1930年代の農村振興運動に対しても ‘植民地組合株の(Colonial Corporatism)’という新しい観点を提示する.すなわち農村に侵透して農民を動員しようとする日製の意図と別に農民の相互扶助と集団農業を通じて農村更生をはかろうとする天道教·キリスト教農本主義者たちもこの運動に積極参加したし,農村の福祉を増進させるのに一定するように寄与したというのだ.一方’民族’に選り分けられていた下位範疇たちに対しても通念を破る.1927年新幹会の姉妹組職で作られた ‘槿友会’は民族全体の利益を先に立たせるせいで女性解放理論は隠蔽されてたかが侍女役目をしただけだというのだ.

確かにこんな主張などは植民地朝鮮の姿がその間描いて来たよりずっと複雑だという事実を悟らせてくれる.こんな点で多元主義的·帰納的·客観的歴史敍述を強調するカーターエカートハーバード台教授(‘後期’)の主張は説得力がある.しかし訳者(大田台教授·韓国史)も指摘するようにこれらは ‘民族主義’に対する批判の強盗に比べて ‘植民主義’の制約に対する認識はめっきり弱い.また日帝強点以前韓国の ‘近代性’を向けた努力に対する理解度不足に見える.結局植民地移転と以後を含む韓国近県せりふ全体の ‘近代性’展開過程で ‘植民地近代性’の正しい位相を位置づけることはこれからの課題だ

The 'Three Generations' Keijo walking tour/Gusts Of Popular Feeling

[ 近現代史 ] / 2007-06-15 05:16:12